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Behind Environmental Injustice: Disparate Siting and Post-Siting Migration of Fossil Fuel Power Plants

Using U.S. census data from 2010 to 2019, this study demonstrates that fossil fuel power plants are disproportionately sited in communities with higher minority populations and subsequently drive a significant increase in the local minority share, highlighting both pre-existing and post-siting mechanisms of environmental injustice.

Original authors: Ruohao Zhang, Huan Li, Kaiyi Wen

Published 2026-10-29
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Original authors: Ruohao Zhang, Huan Li, Kaiyi Wen

Original paper licensed under CC BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). ✨ This is an AI-generated explanation of the paper below. It is not written or endorsed by the authors. For technical accuracy, refer to the original paper. Read full disclaimer

For decades, a troubling pattern has emerged across the United States: the places where people breathe the dirtiest air are often the same places where the poorest and most marginalized communities live. This is not just a matter of bad luck; it is a phenomenon known as environmental injustice. Researchers have long suspected that this unfairness happens in two distinct ways. First, companies might choose to build polluting factories in neighborhoods where people have less money and less political power to say no. Second, once a factory is built, the people who can afford to move often leave, while those who cannot stay behind, or perhaps move in because housing becomes cheaper, changing the makeup of the neighborhood over time. Understanding whether both of these forces are at play today is crucial, because if we only fix the location of new factories but ignore how people move afterward, the problem of unequal exposure to pollution will likely persist.

A team of researchers set out to investigate exactly how this plays out in the modern energy sector, focusing specifically on fossil fuel power plants in the United States between 2010 and 2019. They wanted to know if new plants were still being built in areas with high numbers of minority residents, and if the arrival of these plants caused the racial makeup of those neighborhoods to shift in the years that followed. By looking at detailed data from thousands of small geographic areas across the country, the study reveals that the unfairness is not just a relic of the past. The researchers found that new fossil fuel power plants are significantly more likely to be built in census tracts—small, defined neighborhoods—where the population already has a higher share of minority residents. This pattern holds true even when the researchers account for other factors like income levels, education, and existing infrastructure, suggesting that the choice of location is not random but systematically favors communities that are already disadvantaged.

The story does not end with the construction of the plant. The study also tracked what happened to the people living in those neighborhoods after the plants began operations. The data shows a clear and measurable shift in demographics. In the years following the siting of a new plant, the number of White residents in those areas tends to decline, while the number of minority residents increases. Specifically, the researchers observed that the local minority population grew by roughly 16 to 17 percent, while the White population dropped by about 9 to 14 percent. When these two movements are combined, the result is a noticeable increase in the proportion of minority residents in the neighborhood, rising by more than two and a half percentage points. This suggests that the arrival of a polluting facility triggers a sorting process: those with the resources to leave often do so, while those with fewer options remain or move in, effectively concentrating the burden of pollution on specific groups of people.

The researchers also looked closely at the timing of these moves to understand the behavior behind the numbers. They found that the departure of White residents often begins before the plant is even finished, sometimes starting four years prior to the facility opening. This suggests that families are reacting to early signals, such as construction permits or public announcements, and moving away in anticipation of the changes. In contrast, the increase in the minority population tends to start only after the plant is actually built and operational. This difference in timing highlights how different groups respond to the same event based on their ability to anticipate and react to environmental changes. The study confirms that environmental injustice is a two-part problem: it is driven both by where companies decide to build their facilities and by how people move in response to those decisions.

These findings challenge the idea that environmental problems are simply a matter of bad luck or historical accident. Instead, the research points to a continuous cycle where the location of new infrastructure and the movement of people reinforce each other, deepening racial and economic divides. The authors note that while regulations can control where a company builds, they cannot easily control where people choose to live afterward. This means that solving the problem requires more than just stricter rules for siting new plants; it also requires addressing the housing and economic conditions that force certain families to stay in polluted areas while others can leave. By showing that both the placement of the plant and the subsequent movement of people contribute to the problem, the study provides a clearer picture of the forces at work, offering a more complete understanding of why environmental burdens remain so unevenly distributed in America.

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