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Underinvestment, Renegotiation and Bridge Financing in Emergency Medical Service Public–Private Partnerships: A Stackelberg Analysis of For-Profit and Non-Profit Providers

This paper employs a Stackelberg game model to analyze Emergency Medical Service public–private partnerships in India, demonstrating that structural underinvestment arises from the government's inability to capture full marginal returns, that tax-exempt non-profits with specific mission weights can achieve first-best efficiency while outperforming taxed corporations, and that pre-committed surge clauses are superior to renegotiation or bridge financing for managing demand shocks.

Original authors: Senthilkumar Anantharaman

Published 2026-10-14
📖 6 min read🧠 Deep dive

Original authors: Senthilkumar Anantharaman

Original paper licensed under CC BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). ✨ This is an AI-generated explanation of the paper below. It is not written or endorsed by the authors. For technical accuracy, refer to the original paper. Read full disclaimer

In the high-stakes world of emergency medical services, the difference between life and death often hinges on a single, invisible variable: the effort of the people on the ground. While governments provide the ambulances and the communications infrastructure, the actual saving of lives depends on the discipline, speed, and dedication of the crews. These workers cannot be forced to work harder through a contract; their extra effort is a choice, a hidden cost they bear to ensure a patient survives. This creates a delicate economic puzzle known as a principal-agent problem. The government, acting as the principal, wants the maximum possible service for its citizens, but it cannot directly observe or pay for the specific intensity of the crew's work. Instead, it must design a system where the private operator, whether a corporation or a non-profit, finds it in their own interest to exert that necessary effort. The question is not just how to build the system, but how to fund it, how to tax it, and what happens when a disaster strikes and the demand for ambulances suddenly explodes beyond what anyone planned for.

A new study by Senthilkumar Anantharaman tackles these questions by modeling the emergency medical service system in India as a strategic game. The researcher treats the relationship between the government and the private operator as a sequence of moves, where the government moves first by deciding how much to invest in vehicles and infrastructure, and the operator moves second by deciding how hard to work. The study uses a mathematical framework to simulate this interaction, but the findings translate into clear, practical realities about why these partnerships often fall short of their potential and how they can be fixed. The analysis reveals that the government, acting rationally, consistently invests far less than is socially optimal. This is not because the government is trying to trick the operator or cut corners; rather, it is a structural flaw in the accounting. The government only sees the tax revenue it collects from the operator's fees, while society values the saved lives at a much higher multiple. Because the government does not capture the full social value of the service in its own budget, it naturally underestimates the return on its investment, leading to a fleet that is too small and a system that is under-resourced from the start.

The study also investigates the type of organization running the service. It compares for-profit corporations, which pay taxes, against non-profit organizations, which are tax-exempt and often driven by a mission to serve. The results show that the government strictly prefers the non-profit model, even if that non-profit has no specific mission beyond simply running the service. The reason is simple: taxing the revenue of a for-profit company reduces the money available to pay for effort, which in turn reduces the number of lives saved. The tax takes away more value from the system than it raises in revenue. However, the study uncovers a surprising danger in this preference. While a non-profit with a strong mission to save lives can perfectly align the operator's incentives with the government's goals, the government itself has a blind spot. Because the government does not pay the cost of the operator's extra effort, it tends to over-select operators with very high mission weights. It pushes these dedicated providers to work so hard that they burn out, creating a situation where the government gets a high payoff in terms of service volume, but the overall well-being of the system suffers due to exhausted crews and unpaid overtime.

When a crisis hits, such as a pandemic or a cyclone, the demand for ambulances surges, and the original contract often breaks down. The study examines two ways to handle this: renegotiating the deal with the government, or bringing in a third-party investor to provide emergency funding. The analysis finds that renegotiation is the far superior option, but only if the government is willing to absorb the entire cost of the crisis. Because the government values the service so highly, it captures most of the benefit of keeping the system running, so it is the only party that can afford to pay for the shock. If the contract tries to force the operator to pay for the surge, the deal collapses. The alternative, bringing in a private investor to bridge the funding gap, is a much weaker solution. The study shows that this investor route can only sustain the service for a tiny fraction of the possible crisis scenarios. The investor's claim on the revenue eats into the operator's margin, leaving them unable to absorb the extra costs of the emergency. In the simulations, the investor route covers less than sixteen percent of the crisis range that a simple renegotiation with the government could handle.

Finally, the research looks at the impact of public insurance that pays for the service on behalf of citizens, reducing the out-of-pocket cost for patients. While this is a popular policy for protecting the poor, the study warns that it can backfire if the funding is not separated from the capital budget. If the money for insurance subsidies comes from the same pot of money used to buy new ambulances, the government will cut back on buying vehicles to pay for the insurance. This creates a hidden trade-off where protecting patients from cost leads to a smaller fleet and fewer services overall. The solution, according to the model, is to ring-fence the capital budget, ensuring that the money for buying ambulances is protected from the demands of the insurance subsidy. The study concludes that the most effective way to run these emergency services is to pre-commit to state-contingent clauses that automatically trigger government funding during a crisis, to exempt operators from revenue taxes, and to carefully monitor the workload of mission-driven non-profits to prevent them from being pushed past the point of sustainability. The path to a better emergency system lies not in more complex contracts, but in aligning the financial incentives so that the government invests enough, the operator is not overworked, and the system is ready for the unexpected.

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