Expected versus Unexpected Non-Competition: A Corruption-Risk Approach to Public Procurement in Spain
This paper introduces a machine learning-based framework using Spanish public procurement data to distinguish between expected and unexpected non-competition, thereby creating a refined, false-positive-reducing proxy for corruption risk that accounts for structural market and institutional factors.
Original paper licensed under CC BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). This is an AI-generated explanation of the paper below. It is not written or endorsed by the authors. For technical accuracy, refer to the original paper. Read full disclaimer
Public procurement is the process by which governments buy the goods, services, and infrastructure needed to run a country, from building roads to supplying hospitals. Because these contracts involve vast sums of money and complex rules, they are a frequent target for corruption. One of the most common warning signs that something is wrong is a lack of competition. When a government asks for bids on a project, a healthy market usually produces several companies competing for the work. If only one company shows up, or if the bidding process is kept secret, it often suggests that the contract was rigged to favor a specific supplier. For years, auditors and watchdogs have relied on simple lists of these warning signs, known as red flags, to spot suspicious deals. However, these lists have a major flaw: they cannot tell the difference between a contract that is suspiciously uncompetitive and one that is simply uncompetitive because of legitimate reasons, such as a specialized market where few companies exist or a complex project that scares off bidders. This confusion leads to many false alarms, wasting time and resources on contracts that are actually clean.
To solve this problem, researchers Iván Pastor-Sanz and Félix J. López-Iturriaga turned to a massive collection of data from Spain, analyzing 393,631 public tenders awarded between 2018 and 2024. Instead of using a static checklist, they built a computer model that learns from the history of these contracts to understand what a "normal" level of competition looks like for any given situation. The model takes into account details available before a contract is awarded, such as the type of work being done, the specific rules used to select the winner, and the region where the project is located. By studying these factors, the model calculates the expected probability that a tender will attract fewer than three bids. It then compares this expectation to what actually happened. If a contract receives very few bids when the model predicted it should have attracted many, that gap is flagged as an unexpected anomaly. This approach allows officials to separate the noise of normal market conditions from the signal of potential corruption.
The researchers found that the most important factors determining whether a contract gets many bids or just one are not the amount of money involved, but rather the type of project and the rules used to run the bidding process. The specific sector of the economy, such as construction or IT services, explained nearly half of the variation in competition levels. The type of procedure used to award the contract was the second most powerful predictor. This confirms a long-held view in political science that the amount of freedom or discretion given to government officials in designing the bidding process directly shapes the opportunity for favoritism. Contracts awarded through procedures that allow officials to negotiate directly with suppliers without public advertising were far more likely to have low competition, but the model showed that this was often an expected outcome of the rules, not necessarily proof of a crime.
The true value of this work lies in its ability to filter out the false alarms. By focusing only on the contracts where the actual competition was significantly lower than what the model expected, the researchers identified a tiny, highly suspicious group of tenders. Out of nearly 400,000 contracts, the model flagged just 2,195 cases, or about 0.56 percent, as unexpectedly uncompetitive. These are the deals that deserve the closest scrutiny because they deviate sharply from the norm for their specific type and location. The study showed that these flagged cases strongly correlated with other established measures of corruption risk, suggesting the model is correctly identifying genuine integrity issues rather than just random noise. This method offers a way for oversight bodies to move from reacting to every low-bid contract to proactively targeting the specific few where the risk is highest, ensuring that limited audit resources are spent where they can do the most good.
The findings suggest that while low competition is a useful indicator, it is not a perfect one on its own. The study does not prove that every flagged contract is corrupt, but it provides a much sharper tool for finding them. By distinguishing between the expected lack of competition caused by market realities and the unexpected lack of competition that hints at foul play, this approach helps governments manage the massive flow of public funds with greater precision. As Spain continues to receive billions of euros in recovery funds from the European Union, the ability to monitor these contracts effectively is more critical than ever. The research demonstrates that using data to understand the context of a deal is far more powerful than simply counting the number of bidders, offering a clearer path toward transparency and accountability in public spending.
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