Breeding Cobras: Assessing Law and Political Economy on Its Own Terms
This paper employs an immanent critique using property rights and Virginia Political Economy traditions to argue that key Law and Political Economy reforms, specifically rent control and antitrust, are likely to backfire via "cobra effects" driven by substitution and rent-seeking mechanisms, thereby suggesting that the conflict between Law and Political Economy and economics lies primarily in means rather than ends.
Original paper licensed under CC BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). This is an AI-generated explanation of the paper below. It is not written or endorsed by the authors. For technical accuracy, refer to the original paper. Read full disclaimer
In the study of how laws and economies interact, a persistent puzzle has long fascinated scholars: why do well-intentioned rules sometimes make the very problems they aim to fix worse? This question sits at the intersection of law and economics, a field that examines how legal frameworks shape human behavior and market outcomes. Central to this inquiry is the concept of the "cobra effect," a term borrowed from a legendary colonial tale where a government bounty offered for dead cobras inadvertently encouraged people to breed snakes for profit, only to release them when the program ended, leaving the population larger than before. The core idea is that when people are given incentives, they do not simply follow the rules as written; they find creative, often unexpected ways to adapt, sometimes turning a solution into a disaster. A growing movement in legal scholarship known as Law and Political Economy has emerged to challenge traditional views, arguing that markets are not natural forces but are constructed by laws that often favor the powerful. Its proponents seek to rewrite these rules to create a fairer society, targeting issues like housing inequality and corporate dominance. However, a new analysis suggests that these very reforms might be destined to backfire, not because of poor execution, but because the architects of these policies have overlooked how people will strategically respond to them.
The researchers behind this study, Caleb Fuller and Scott Burns, set out to test the Law and Political Economy project on its own terms. They accepted the movement's foundational belief that people are smart, self-interested, and capable of manipulating rules to their advantage. Yet, they argued that when these same scholars propose new laws, they often treat the people affected by those laws as passive recipients who will simply obey. This disconnect between how the movement diagnoses problems and how it designs solutions, the authors contend, creates a perfect storm for unintended consequences. To prove this, they examined two flagship proposals championed by the movement: rent control, which limits how much landlords can charge for housing, and aggressive antitrust enforcement, which aims to break up or restrain large corporations to protect democracy.
When the authors applied their logic to rent control, they found that the policy triggers a "substitution" pathway. By capping the price of rent, the law removes the ability of landlords to charge higher fees to cover costs or to screen tenants based on price. In response, sophisticated landlords do not simply accept lower profits; they find other ways to make up the difference. They might start discriminating more heavily against certain groups of people, such as families with children or immigrants, because the cost of being prejudiced is lower when they cannot charge a higher rent to compensate. They might also stop maintaining their buildings, letting them fall into disrepair, or they might convert rental units into condominiums or luxury apartments that are exempt from the rules. The result is a shrinking supply of affordable housing and a market where the most vulnerable tenants are pushed out, exactly the opposite of the equality the reformers hoped to achieve.
The second case, focusing on antitrust policy, reveals a different mechanism known as "rent-seeking." The Law and Political Economy movement advocates for giving government regulators broad, discretionary power to decide which companies are too powerful, rather than relying on strict, clear-cut rules. The authors argue that this vagueness creates a new kind of prize: the favor of the regulator. Large, wealthy companies, which the reformers wish to restrain, are the most equipped to navigate this gray area. They can hire lobbyists, build relationships with officials, and shape the interpretation of the rules to protect themselves. Instead of reducing the influence of big corporations on politics, these discretionary antitrust laws invite them to invest even more heavily in capturing the political process. The very tools meant to curb corporate power end up becoming new channels through which that power is exercised, strengthening the grip of the dominant firms over the government.
The study concludes that the failure of these policies is not a matter of bad luck or insufficient funding, but a fundamental flaw in the design. The authors distinguish between "execution failure," where a good plan goes wrong due to poor implementation, and "diagnostic failure," where the plan itself is flawed because it ignores how people will react. In the cases of rent control and discretionary antitrust, the researchers argue we are seeing diagnostic failures. The policies are built on the assumption that changing the law will automatically change the outcome, ignoring the reality that people will always find new margins to adjust, often in ways that defeat the original goal. The authors suggest that for legal reforms to succeed, they must take human ingenuity seriously, recognizing that people will not stop being strategic just because a new law is passed. Without this understanding, well-meaning efforts to create a more just society may only breed new, more stubborn problems.
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