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Where does corruption risk sit? Core–periphery structure and clustering of single bidding in Ecuador’s subnational public procurement networks

This study analyzes Ecuador's subnational public procurement networks to reveal that corruption risk, measured by single bidding, is significantly clustered and concentrated in market cores rather than being uniformly distributed, suggesting that audit strategies should prioritize central actors in provinces where this specific concentration pattern is detected.

Original authors: Lissete Reyes-Vanegas, Jessica Matute-Petroche, Carlos Redroban-Ortiz

Published 2026-11-06
📖 5 min read🧠 Deep dive

Original authors: Lissete Reyes-Vanegas, Jessica Matute-Petroche, Carlos Redroban-Ortiz

Original paper licensed under CC BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). ✨ This is an AI-generated explanation of the paper below. It is not written or endorsed by the authors. For technical accuracy, refer to the original paper. Read full disclaimer

Public procurement is the massive engine that keeps governments running, from building roads and schools to buying medical supplies and office equipment. It is the point where public money meets private business, a process that involves billions of dollars changing hands every year. Because so much value is at stake, this system is a frequent target for corruption, where officials might steer contracts to specific friends or companies in exchange for bribes. Detecting this wrongdoing is notoriously difficult because the people involved have every reason to hide their tracks. In recent years, data scientists have found a clever way to look for trouble without needing to find a smoking gun in a single contract. They noticed that when a government asks for bids on a project and only one company shows up to compete, it is a warning sign. While a single offer can happen for innocent reasons, such as a very specialized product or a lack of local suppliers, a pattern of single offers across a region suggests that the competition has been rigged or that the process was designed to favor a specific winner. By mapping out who buys what from whom, researchers can turn these millions of transactions into a network, revealing hidden patterns of favoritism that are invisible when looking at contracts one by one.

A team of researchers in Ecuador decided to test whether these patterns held true not just across entire countries, but within the smaller, local markets of a single nation. They turned their attention to the public procurement records of Ecuador, a country where the government publishes detailed data on every contract awarded through its electronic platform. The team gathered nearly 46,000 competitive contracts awarded between 2015 and 2021, linking thousands of public buyers to tens of thousands of suppliers. Their goal was to see if the risk of corruption, measured by the frequency of single bids, clustered in specific groups of buyers and sellers, and whether this risk was concentrated in the most central, powerful parts of the market or pushed out to the edges. To do this, they built a map of relationships for each of Ecuador's twenty-one provinces, treating every contract as a connection between a buyer and a supplier. They then used a method to identify the "core" of each market—the most active and connected buyers and suppliers—and checked if the suspicious single bids were happening mostly in that central group or in the less connected periphery.

The results revealed a landscape of corruption risk that was far more varied than expected. Across the country, about thirty percent of competitive procedures received only one bid, a figure that varied significantly from province to province. In some coastal regions, nearly half of all procedures attracted a single offer, while in the central highlands, the number was closer to twenty percent. The researchers found that these risky contracts were not scattered randomly; instead, they were tightly clustered in specific communities of buyers and suppliers in almost every province. This means that if an auditor found a suspicious contract in one part of a local market, they would be wise to look closely at the other contracts made by the same group of buyers and sellers, as the risk tended to travel in packs. However, the location of this risk within the market structure was not uniform. In some provinces, the single bids were heavily concentrated in the core, meaning the most powerful and frequent players were the ones involved in the uncontested deals. In other provinces, the risk was found in the periphery, involving smaller, less connected actors.

This finding challenged a previous theory derived from studies in Europe, which suggested that the more centralized a market was, the higher the risk of corruption would be. The researchers found that in Ecuador, the size of a province's central market had no connection to how much corruption risk it held. A large, central market could be relatively safe, while a smaller one could be rife with risk. What actually predicted a high level of risk was not the size of the core, but where the risk sat within it. Provinces where the single bids were concentrated in the core had significantly higher overall rates of single bidding. This suggests that in these areas, corruption was organized around a stable set of relationships between powerful buyers and favored firms, effectively capturing the market. In contrast, in provinces where the risk was in the periphery, the problem was more diffuse, spread across many small buyers and occasional suppliers.

The study suggests that there is no single strategy for fighting corruption that works everywhere. In provinces where the risk is concentrated in the core, like El Oro, a small number of high-volume relationships account for a large share of the exposure, making targeted audits of central actors a highly efficient use of resources. In provinces where the risk is scattered in the periphery, broader preventive measures, such as better training or standardized documents, might be more effective. The researchers emphasized that while single bidding is a strong indicator, it is not proof of wrongdoing in any single case, and their analysis relied on patterns across thousands of contracts. By using open data to map these networks, authorities can move beyond guessing and start looking for trouble exactly where the data says it is hiding, tailoring their approach to the specific structure of each local market. This approach offers a low-cost way to understand the hidden geography of public spending, turning raw numbers into a clear picture of where the system is most vulnerable.

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