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Screens as caregiving infrastructure: a qualitative study of maternal negotiations of under-five screen exposure and eye-health risks in Ibadan, Nigeria

This qualitative study of mothers in Ibadan, Nigeria, reveals that screen exposure for under-five children functions as essential caregiving infrastructure driven by safety and economic constraints rather than negligence, necessitating health interventions that move beyond simple warnings to offer practical, non-judgmental support aligned with real-world household demands.

Original authors: JAMES SUCCESS ODUBIA, Kayode Simon-P Aroyehun, Favour Jesunifemi Ogunsakin, Oluwasola James Adeoti, Gbenga Abraham Arajulu, Adeleke Olaide Adejare, Uje Divine Jimoh

Published 2026-08-22
📖 6 min read🧠 Deep dive

Original authors: JAMES SUCCESS ODUBIA, Kayode Simon-P Aroyehun, Favour Jesunifemi Ogunsakin, Oluwasola James Adeoti, Gbenga Abraham Arajulu, Adeleke Olaide Adejare, Uje Divine Jimoh

Original paper licensed under CC BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). This is an AI-generated explanation of the paper below. It is not written or endorsed by the authors. For technical accuracy, refer to the original paper. Read full disclaimer

In many parts of the world, the daily life of a young child now includes time spent looking at glowing screens. This is not just about entertainment; it is about how families manage the complex demands of modern life. Public health experts have long warned that too much time in front of a television, phone, or tablet can harm a child's developing eyes and behavior. They suggest that young children should have very little or no screen time at all, and that older preschoolers should be limited to about one hour a day. However, these rules often assume that parents have the luxury of time, space, and safety to keep children occupied with toys or outdoor play. In reality, for many parents, especially in busy cities, the choice is not between a screen and a playground. It is often between a screen and a dangerous situation, or between a screen and the ability to finish essential work. Understanding how parents navigate this tension is crucial, because telling them to simply "turn it off" ignores the difficult realities they face every day.

A team of researchers in Ibadan, Nigeria, set out to understand exactly how mothers of young children make these choices. They wanted to move beyond simple statistics to hear the stories behind the screen time. The researchers gathered sixty-five mothers from various backgrounds, including traders, civil servants, teachers, and stay-at-home parents, for a series of group discussions. They spoke in both English and the local language, Yoruba, asking the women to describe their daily routines, the rules they set for their children, and their worries about eye health. The goal was not to judge the mothers, but to understand the practical reasons why screens have become such a central part of childcare in their households.

The study revealed that for these mothers, screens are not merely a source of fun; they are a vital piece of caregiving infrastructure. In a busy household where a mother might be cooking over an open fire, selling goods in a crowded market, or caring for a sick relative, a screen serves as a reliable helper. One trader explained that when she is arranging her goods or attending to customers, her child sits quietly with cartoons. Another mother described how the screen becomes a necessary tool when she is exhausted after a shift or needs to rest before working again. The researchers found that mothers do not view screen use as an ideal solution, but rather as a practical substitute for adult help that they cannot afford or do not have available. It allows the household to keep functioning when other resources are stretched thin.

Beyond keeping children occupied, the study showed that screens often act as a safety strategy. In environments where children could easily get hurt by hot pots, sharp knives, busy roads, or impatient customers, a calm child watching a video is safer than a child running around. One food vendor noted that a child sitting quietly with a song is less likely to get burned than a child moving freely in a kitchen with boiling water. For many mothers, the screen is a way to manage immediate physical dangers, even if they worry about the long-term effects on their child's eyes or development. This creates a difficult calculation where the immediate risk of injury is weighed against the potential risk of eye strain or reduced outdoor play.

The mothers in the study were not unaware of the risks. They knew that too much screen time could cause eye pain, redness, or trouble sleeping. However, they often lacked specific knowledge about what signs to look for in very young children who cannot speak. A baby cannot say its eyes hurt, so mothers had to guess based on redness or unusual crying. While some mothers took their children for eye checks when they noticed squinting, many felt uncertain about when to seek professional help. They understood that something might be wrong, but they did not have clear guidelines on what specific symptoms required a doctor's visit, leaving them to manage these concerns with limited information.

Rules about screen time were also fluid and constantly negotiated. Mothers tried to use timers, set limits on when screens could be used, and planned activities to replace them. Yet, these rules often broke down when the mother was tired, when work became urgent, or when other caregivers, such as grandparents or paid helpers, had different standards. One mother mentioned that her rules were weaker at her grandmother's house because the rules there were different. This showed that managing screen time is not just a matter of a mother's willpower; it is a household issue that depends on the cooperation of everyone involved in caring for the child.

The researchers also found that mothers made careful distinctions about what kind of screen time was acceptable. They did not treat all screen use as the same. They worried more about background television that was always on versus intentional viewing of a specific show. They valued watching a video together with a child and discussing it more than leaving a child alone with a device. They also recognized that for infants, the screen might be taking the place of important interactions like babbling or moving around. For older children, they were more open to supervised content that had educational value. This nuance showed that mothers were already trying to make smart choices, but they needed clearer guidance on how to apply these ideas in their specific situations.

Perhaps the most important finding was that the mothers rejected advice that only focused on warnings. They did not need to be told that too much screen time is bad; they already knew that. What they needed was practical, non-judgmental support that fit into their busy lives. They asked for advice in simple language and pictures, for help in creating safe play spaces in crowded neighborhoods, and for strategies that acknowledged their work and fatigue. They wanted to know how to reduce screen time when they were cooking, when they were at the market, or when a child was crying, without having to choose between safety and health.

The study concludes that public health messages need to change. Instead of simply telling mothers to limit screen time, health workers and communities should offer realistic solutions that fit the actual conditions of daily life. This means providing clear signs of when a child needs an eye check, offering safe alternatives for play, and helping entire families, including fathers and grandparents, agree on a plan. The researchers suggest that interventions should focus on making it easier for mothers to follow healthy routines, rather than blaming them for using screens. By understanding the real reasons why screens are used, health programs can move from giving impossible orders to offering tools that actually work for families in Ibadan and beyond.

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