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Beyond access: The third-level digital divide in adolescents’ digital self-efficacy in Latin America and the Caribbean

Using PISA 2022 data from six Latin American and Caribbean countries, this study reveals that despite improved physical access, significant socioeconomic disparities in adolescents' digital self-efficacy persist, highlighting the need for policies that address the third-level digital divide beyond mere connectivity.

Original authors: Ricardo L. Gómez

Published 2026-08-20
📖 6 min read🧠 Deep dive

Original authors: Ricardo L. Gómez

Original paper licensed under CC BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). This is an AI-generated explanation of the paper below. It is not written or endorsed by the authors. For technical accuracy, refer to the original paper. Read full disclaimer

For the last twenty years, governments across Latin America and the Caribbean have worked hard to bring the internet to schools and homes. They have handed out laptops, laid down cables, and ensured that most teenagers can now log on. This effort solved the first, most obvious problem: the physical gap between those who have a connection and those who do not. But having a tool does not guarantee knowing how to use it well. Researchers have long suspected that inequality does not end when the Wi-Fi signal turns green. Instead, it shifts to a deeper level: the difference between simply being online and feeling confident enough to use technology to learn, create, and solve problems. This deeper gap is about belief. It is about whether a young person feels capable of navigating the digital world or whether they feel overwhelmed by it, even if they have the same device as their neighbor.

A new study by Ricardo L. Gómez, a researcher at the University of Antioquia, investigates this hidden layer of inequality. He looked at the digital confidence of nearly 19,000 fifteen-year-old students across six countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, the Dominican Republic, Panama, and Uruguay. Using data from a major international assessment called PISA, Gómez examined not just who had internet access, but how students felt about their own abilities. He wanted to know if a student's family background, gender, or where they went to school still mattered for their digital confidence, even after accounting for how good their internet connection was and how often they used it. The findings reveal that while the region has successfully closed the door on physical exclusion, a new kind of divide has taken root, one that is shaped more by family life and school culture than by the hardware in a backpack.

The study began by gathering data from students who had already taken the standard PISA tests. These students also filled out a special questionnaire about their experience with computers and the internet. They were asked to rate their own ability to perform specific tasks, such as searching for information online, creating a multimedia presentation, or managing files. This self-rating is what researchers call "digital self-efficacy." It is a measure of a person's belief in their own capacity to succeed at a task. The researchers then compared these confidence scores against a wide range of other factors. They looked at the students' family wealth, their gender, whether they were born in the country or had moved there, and the quality of the internet they had at home. They also looked at the schools themselves, checking how many computers were available, whether the school was in a city or a rural area, and the average wealth of the student body.

The results showed a clear and persistent pattern. Even when two students had the exact same quality of internet access, the same amount of time online, and the same frequency of use, their confidence levels still differed based on their family background. Students from wealthier families reported higher digital confidence than their peers from poorer families, even within the same school. This suggests that the advantage of wealth does not just buy better equipment; it provides a different kind of social support. Wealthier families likely offer more encouragement, more role models who use technology skillfully, and a home environment where experimenting with digital tools feels safe and expected. This creates a sense of mastery that translates into confidence. The study found that this gap in confidence exists in every single country examined, regardless of how long that country has had programs to distribute computers to students.

The researchers also looked at whether the school environment could change this dynamic. They found that the overall wealth of a school's student body mattered significantly. Students attending schools where the average family was wealthier tended to feel more confident, even if their own families were not. This effect was strongest in countries like the Dominican Republic and Panama, where home internet connections were less reliable, suggesting that a supportive school environment can act as a crucial resource when home resources are scarce. However, the study also found that this school advantage did not close the gap between rich and poor students within that same school. A wealthy school made everyone feel more confident, but it did not lift the confidence of poorer students enough to catch up with their wealthier classmates. The gap remained, suggesting that school resources add to a student's confidence but do not necessarily compensate for the lack of support at home.

Gender and migration status offered some surprising twists. The study found that girls reported slightly higher digital confidence than boys, a finding that contradicts older stereotypes that boys are naturally more comfortable with technology. This difference was small but consistent across the region. The researchers also looked at students with an immigrant background, who often face additional challenges like language barriers or interrupted schooling. Contrary to what might be expected, the data did not show a significant drop in confidence for these students compared to their native-born peers, though the number of immigrant students in the sample was small, making it hard to draw firm conclusions about this group.

The study concludes that the region's success in providing physical access to technology is only the first step. The real challenge now lies in the "third-level" divide: the unequal ability to turn access into meaningful, confident use. The data shows that simply handing out devices or ensuring a fast connection is not enough to level the playing field. The inequalities that shape a child's life outside the classroom—family wealth, social encouragement, and the culture of the school—follow them into the digital world. To truly achieve digital equity, the study suggests that policies must move beyond connectivity. They must focus on building the internal resources of students: providing the mastery experiences, the competent role models, and the encouragement that turn a connection into a capability. Until these deeper social and psychological gaps are addressed, the digital world will remain a place where some students feel like owners and others feel like visitors, regardless of the device in their hands.

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